Stanford filed its first General Use Permit application since 2000, asking for 1.8 million square feet of academic space, 2,500 student beds and 500 workforce apartments. Here is what those 500 units are actually worth against what Palo Alto, Menlo Park, Mountain View and East Palo Alto cost right now.

Quarry Road at El Camino Real in Palo Alto, the site proposed for Stanford workforce housing in the new General Use Permit. Photo: Houseberry
Stanford filed its new General Use Permit application with Santa Clara County on September 9, and the number worth circling is 500. That is the count of below-market workforce apartments the university wants to build at Quarry Road and El Camino Real, across the street from the Palo Alto Transit Center. Spread over the roughly two decades the permit covers, 500 units works out to about 25 a year.
Palo Alto’s median sale price was about $4.08M in August 2026. Set 25 apartments a year against that number and you have the whole argument in one line.
This is the first new General Use Permit Stanford has asked for since 2000, and it arrives seven years after the university withdrew its last application in November 2019 following three years of fighting with the county over traffic math and housing counts. That one sought 3.5 million square feet. This one asks for roughly half.
The filing is a package of eight commitments, and the academic space is the part Stanford wants and the housing is the part the county wants. Here is the whole thing in one place.
| Component | Amount | What it adds or changes |
|---|---|---|
| Academic and research space | Up to 1.8M sq ft | About 1 percent growth a year over roughly 20 years, the first new academic capacity authorized since the 2000 permit |
| Student beds | Up to 2,500 | Roughly 2,000 aimed at undergraduates, supporting gradual enrollment growth |
| Workforce housing | Up to 500 units | Below-market rentals at Quarry Road and El Camino Real, across from the Palo Alto Transit Center |
| Income-qualified share | 147 of the 500 | 84 units at or below 50 percent AMI, 63 at or below 80 percent, the balance up to 150 percent |
| Research Park housing | More than 500 units | Open to the general public rather than restricted to Stanford affiliates |
| Community-supportive space | 150,000 sq ft | Modernized community venues and visitor amenities |
| Community fund | $100 million | Predominantly regional affordable housing, allocated at the county’s discretion |
| Peak commute trips | No net new | Holds morning and evening peak arrivals at or below the county baseline, carried over from the 2000 permit |
Two rows there deserve more attention than they will get. The 147 income-qualified units are the only ones a school aide or a custodial worker could plausibly rent. And the Research Park commitment, more than 500 homes open to the general public, is the quietest genuinely useful thing in the document, because it is the only piece not tied to a Stanford badge.
Stanford’s top affordability tier reaches households earning up to 150 percent of area median income. HUD put Santa Clara County’s 2026 median family income at $205,500 for a four-person household, so that ceiling lands at $308,250.
That is a real income. It is also not an income that can buy a house anywhere near campus. With 20 percent down, the 6.76 percent 30-year fixed rate Freddie Mac reported the week of September 10, 2026, and 30 percent of gross pay going to the mortgage, taxes and insurance, $308,250 finances about $1.22M.

Palo Alto: about $4.08M in August 2026. Menlo Park: about $3.13M in June 2026. Mountain View: about $2.92M in July 2026. East Palo Alto: about $1.03M in August 2026. Run the same math backwards and buying the Palo Alto median takes roughly $1.03M a year in household income, about five times the county AMI.
So the tier Stanford describes as affordable cannot buy in three of the four cities its employees commute from. That is not a knock on Stanford specifically. It is the reason a rental commitment matters more here than almost anywhere else in the country, and it is why the county is going to push on the unit count.
The arithmetic is unkind and worth stating plainly. Five hundred units over roughly 20 years is 25 units a year. Stanford employs more than 2,400 faculty alone, before a single staff position is counted, and the 2016 proposal died partly because county officials wanted more than 2,000 housing units rather than a few hundred.
Twenty-five a year does not move a regional median. It never will. What it does do is house 500 households at rents they can actually pay, in a location where they can skip a car, and 500 households is not nothing. We would rather argue about whether the number should be 1,200 than watch another application get withdrawn.
The $100 million fund is the bigger lever, and also the vaguest. Predominantly supporting regional affordable housing at the county’s discretion could mean a genuine production subsidy or it could mean a line item that gets absorbed. At Bay Area construction costs, $100 million buys somewhere in the low hundreds of subsidized units if it is used as gap financing. The county should say out loud what it intends to do with it before the vote, not after.
Put the workforce housing where Stanford proposed to put it and the trip math takes care of itself. Quarry Road at El Camino Real is directly across from the Palo Alto Transit Center, which means Caltrain, the 22 and 522 buses, the Marguerite shuttles, and a flat bike ride onto campus. If you are going to build 500 below-market apartments anywhere on the Peninsula, that corner is close to the best available parcel.

The three neighborhoods closest to that corner are the three that score lowest in our data. University South comes in at 3.5 out of 5 overall, Evergreen Park at 3.6, Downtown North at 3.8, against a Palo Alto citywide 4.2 across 27 ranked neighborhoods. Meanwhile College Terrace, the neighborhood physically closest to campus, scores 4.0 and carried a median of about $4.57M in August 2026.
That gap is worth reading carefully rather than at face value. A downtown-adjacent neighborhood scores lower on amenity mix and quiet-street measures than a leafy interior one, which is exactly what you would expect. It says very little about whether someone would be happy living there and a great deal about what the scoring picks up. For a worker who would otherwise be driving in from Tracy, a 3.5 with a train platform two blocks away is a trade most people would take in a heartbeat.
Here is the honest downside. Every one of those 500 apartments is tied to Stanford, and housing tied to an employer is housing you lose when the job ends.
That is the same structural catch we found looking at how Bay Area school districts house their teachers, where roughly 790 apartments across seven projects come with the same string attached. Below-market rent next to your job is a real benefit. It is also a form of lock-in, and it builds no equity in a region where equity is the whole ballgame. A teacher renting a district apartment for eight years and a teacher who bought a condo in 2018 end up in very different places.
Stanford’s own framing invites a second look too. Project executive Whitney McNair told the Stanford Daily that the university naturally discounts its rents from the market, so in Stanford’s analysis those discounted rents are equivalent to affordable. Discounted from a Palo Alto market rent is a defensible benchmark for a landlord. It is a much weaker one for a county deciding whether a housing commitment is adequate, and the supervisors will notice the difference.
Nothing is approved. The application was submitted, which starts the clock rather than ending it.
Santa Clara County now runs environmental review under CEQA, evaluates the application against its own general plan, and holds public hearings before the Planning Commission and then the Board of Supervisors. Stanford’s own timeline puts the process running through 2028 with a supervisors vote expected that year. A development agreement is back on the table, which is where the actual negotiating over unit counts and the $100 million will happen, and it is where the 2016 version fell apart.
For anyone comparing neighborhoods around campus, this is a two-year story with no near-term price effect. Nothing about a September filing changes what a house in Barron Park or Crescent Park is worth this fall. What it does change is the list of things worth watching, and the ones that matter are the scoping meeting notices, the draft EIR’s traffic and housing chapters, and whether the county holds the line on unit count the way it did in 2019.
The other item on that list is the Caltrain grade separation work at Churchill, Meadow and Charleston, which we covered when Palo Alto’s rail committee leaned toward Charleston first. Two decades of campus growth and a $1.5B rail crossing program are going to land on the same stretch of track, and the traffic modeling for one should not pretend the other does not exist.
When we look at a place before we look at a listing, permits like this one are the part of the picture that takes years to show up in prices and then shows up all at once. The first hearing dates are the ones to put on the calendar.
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